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School of History, Philosophy and Culture
Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences
+44 (0)1865 484166
Tonge Building, T535
Glen O'Hara teaches across a range of Oxford Brookes courses. These chiefly concern governance and national identity in modern Britain, both in its domestic and international aspects. His second year course on 'Modern Britain', and his third year courses on 'Anglo-American Relations' and 'Britain and the Sea' deal with the interaction between state and people, and between governments and the outside world, in the modern age.
Professor O'Hara was at Oxford University as an undergraduate and a postgraduate between 1993 and 1997, where he won the Gladstone Prize for History and Politics. After working as a journalist at The Independent, he moved back into academia at University College London, where he completed a PhD in 2002. In 2001 he was appointed Lecturer in Economic History at the University of Bristol, where he spent a year before moving to New College, Oxford, as Lecturer in Modern History. He moved to Oxford Brookes in January 2005. He also serves on the International Advisory Board of Reinvention: A Journal of Undergraduate Research, which aims to encourage students to pursue their own research interests by publishing articles based on original undergraduate work.
You can watch his May 2018 Inaugural Lecture as a Professor here, and you can listen to or download a podcast of the lecture here:
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This article examines British officials’ and ministers’ attitudes towards the Soviet Union’s economy in the post‐Second World War era. In the nineteen‐fifties and early nineteen‐sixties, public and some expert commentary posited Soviet economic ‘success’ based on the country’s increasingly rapid growth rate, its potential for consumerization, the promise of economic reform, and the Soviet state’s emphasis on education, science and the application of computer technology. New evidence from British official archives, presented here, makes clear that Westminster and Whitehall were never persuaded of this view, and always believed that political meddling and microeconomic inefficiencies would ultimately restrain and undermine Soviet growth.
Britain’s exit from the European Exchange Rate Mechanism in 1992 and the Second Iraq War in 2003 are two infamous examples of disastrous policy, but governments blunder all the time – whatever party is in power. Infrastructure projects overrun. The aims and techniques of different departments clash. Scandals erupt among officials and politicians. Controversies stymie attempts at agreement and consensus. But why exactly do these failures happen? Are they more or less widespread than in the private sector? And can studying British governments’ decision-making across the twentieth century improve it in the future? In his May 2018 inaugural lecture, Professor O'Hara recommended a slow, deliberative, transparent, democratic and above all humble and sensitive approach in order to avoid another Black Wednesday or ruinous war – an approach in contrast to the populist tone of much recent debate.
The early 1960s witnessed a number of long-term plans being issued by the British government – for roads, hospitals, new towns, city centres, social care and even the whole economy. A ‘Very Long Term Planning Group’ within Whitehall even looked twenty five years into the future, to inform central planning and the setting of priorities. By the 1970s, however, this effort seemed to have entirely broken down, and the UK Government was involved in a day-to-day struggle even to keep electricity supplies flowing. Incomes policies and industrial subsidies focused, not on the twenty first century, but on day-to-day negotiations in particular sectors of the economy, or even specific companies. This article will explore this retreat from forethought and pre-commitment. What factors explain this remarkable retreat from ambitious and hopeful plans of a ‘scientific’ and an optimistic future? Why did the time-frame of Britain’s governments, and her policy-making elites, shrink so dramatically and so rapidly? And finally, what implications for British politics and policy-making did the shortening time-horizon imply?
East London’s former docklands have been at the centre of planning and regeneration debates for the past four decades. The setting up of the LDDC has been variously interpreted as ‘3-D Thatcherism’ in action, a symbol of the death of comprehensive planning and the replacement of a corporatist, Keynesian era of urban policy with a more neo-liberal approach. Moving away from simplistic and straightforward interpretations of the processes happening at this time, this paper uses new archival and interview material to re-examine the setting up of the LDDC and its early years, revealing a more complex and contradictory picture than existing accounts suggest. It focuses on three themes: changing forms of state intervention; the uncertain ‘break’ in the post-war consensus as evidenced by the changes in approaches to the regeneration of Docklands; and the unintended, disordered process of actual policy change. As such we aim to reveal how shifting visions, modes of governance and practices can compete and co-exist in the midst of seemingly coherent ‘eras’, as Docklands as a place and as an approach to regeneration was constantly made and re-made – a process that continues to this day.
Conferences organised since 2001
Conference papers (selected since 2001)